FAMISHED FOR READING

By Dr. Robert T. Rhode
Published on May 1, 1998

4745 Glenway Avenue Cincinnati, Ohio 45238

A version of this article won the Best of Section Award at the
1996 Kentucky Philological Association conference and was
subsequently published in Studies in Popular Culture, volume 19,
number 1. It is reprinted here with the permission of that
journal.

R Douglas Hurt states that ‘the national work force engaged
in non-agricultural pursuits did not reach 51 percent of the
population until 1880’ (3). By 1900, large sections of the
country continued more rural than metropolitan, and the majority of
people living in cities recalled close relatives who had resided on
farms. Threshing wheat, oats, and other grains constituted a
significant agrarian task which, in many parts of turn of the
century America, had evolved into an annual gathering that featured
communal labor. For a generation, steam-powered machinery had made
threshing easier and more efficient, transportation of grain to
eastern markets had improved, and the harvests had become
increasingly abundant. Only a few people, however, could afford to
purchase threshing equipment, and a single rig might harvest the
grain of a ring comprised of half a dozen or (frequently) more
farms. Sales literature accumulated in the effort to persuade more
farmers and custom threshermen to acquire steam engines and
threshing machines. The firms which built and sold threshers hired
talented writers to compose catalogues. Reclaiming such literature
affords a study of the non-fictional, agrarian writing aimed at
almost half the population of early twentieth-century North
America.

On what David R. Pichaske calls ‘the proven agrarian
past’ is based a myth of long-time cooperation among rural
inhabitants (xx). Tribal memories of the twenty-year period from
approximately 1900 until 1920 cause nostalgic dreamers to envision
agrarian collaboration stretching uninterruptedly back to the dawn
of time, but the student of agricultural history finds that farmers
did not always share labor with one another that, instead, they
worked independently until the mechanization of the late 1800s
supported larger yields of grain and encouraged agriculturists in
areas of smaller family farms to join in communal harvests. The
scientific progress and technological advances of the nineteenth
century’s industrial revolution often had more to do with
farming than with city employments, and, as the beneficiaries of
the scientific/technological labors on their behalf, many farmers
combined their efforts to thresh more and more grain each year. The
mystique of a golden age of agriculture when neighbors helped each
other in a glorious collaboration called the ‘thrashin’
season’ originates in this industrial history. As J. Sanford
Rikoon correctly points out, beginning in the late teens and early
1920s, the same industry which created those communal harvests,
today so nostalgically remembered, gradually smothered the
cooperative instinct by selling farm families a small tractor to do
their own threshing. By the late 1940s, only remnants of the former
threshing rings persisted. When combines flourished during the
1950s and 1960s, the last vestiges of shared labor disappeared. As
they had at the time of the Civil War, farmers again worked
alone.

The era which engendered friendly exchange of labor in the
harvest ritual and in the legendary threshing-day dinners reached
its pinnacle from 1900 through 1920. Cooperation among harvesters
grew not only from improved transportation and technologies but
also from the fact that the steam traction engine, the threshing
machine, the water wagon, and the tools needed to keep these
machines running cost too much for most people to afford. By the
late 1800s and especially during the first two decades of the
twentieth century, the companies which produced such equipment
devoted considerable resources to the printing of annual
catalogues, complete with illustrations and testimonials from
satisfied customers. The catalogues’ anonymous authors
consisted of shrewd writers well aware that their audience
appreciated ‘direct and relatively unadorned literature,’
preferred ‘content over form,’ refused ‘to disesteem
the truth with excessive and unnecessary elegance,’ and
suspected ‘that artifice is often a lie and always a
distraction’ (Pichaske xxiii, xxvii). To place their catalogues
most favorably with such an audience, writers had to employ their
rhetorical savvy to balance sophisticated composition and plain
language. To fail meant loss of sales.

The 1903 catalogue of the Northwest Thresher Company, based in
Stillwater, Minnesota, offers an example of the rhetorician’s
art: ‘We’ are old-fashioned enough to tell the truth even
when writing a catalogue, and there is no statement made in this
book other than absolute facts. We have cut out generalities,
speculations and fairy tales. Instead we have given lengths, widths
and thicknesses. . .'(1). This opening recalls that other
famous beginning Huck Finn’s comment: ‘You don’t know
about me without you have read a book by the name of The Adventures
of Tom Sawyer That book was made by Mr. Mark Twain, and he told the
truth, mainly.’ Twain gently satirizes the unadorned sincerity
of much rural writing. Where Twain hopes his readers will discern
his burlesque, the canny author of Northwest’s catalogue
expects his audience to accept his work at face value.

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